The problem intensified during the Zia regime under his Islamisation policies. For the first time in history of Pakistan, terror through intimidating policies was used as a conscious policy to legitimise the rule of General Zia. In the pursuit of such policies, the democratic constitution of 1973 was set aside, religion politicized and steps were taken to restructure the state on theocratic lines. The religion card was used as one of the main weapons to pressurize the opposition and to justify the holding of non-party based elections. This period also witnessed the undermining of state institutions by introducing measures to subordinate the judiciary, press and other civil society institutions, under executive. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979 was a watershed development that brought the superpower rivalry into Pakistan’s neighbourhood. In great powers’ proxy conflict, US sought to enlist Pakistan in strengthening Afghan resistance to the Soviets. Zia regime offered to play role of a front-line state in the Afghan guerrilla war, and sought political, economic and military support from US. It was considered necessary to mobilize religious feelings and jihadi spirit for Afghan resistance. Consequently extremist elements were encouraged and jihadi sentiments were supported, along with liberal funds provided to groups and institutions for training Afghan and other Muslim nationals from a host of countries to wage war against Soviets. Religious schools multiplied in Pakistan during this period and by the time Afghan war ended in 1989, jihadist culture had acquired deep roots in Pakistani society. The militant religious groups, by this time also succeeded in enlarging the political space for themselves, which later aided the mushrooming of sectarian and religion-based violence across the country.
External powers have also played an important role in accelerating extremism in Pakistan. Soviet intervention United States supported and sponsored the Pakistani government and also the Jihadi groups during the period 1979-1989, which in post-1990 period became a threat for the security and stability of Pakistan. Similarly Iran after Iranian revolution of 1979 has openly been supporting the elements in Pakistan and also in Bangladesh to promote their version of Islam. This led to strengthening of religious parties with extremist leaning and boosted the madrassa culture in Pakistan. After Soviet withdrawal and diminishing of US interests in the region, Pakistan was left in a complete lurch for dealing with the menace of terrorism and extremism spread over the decade of its war against Soviets. Sectarianism was one of the inevitable outcomes of Zia’s Islamisation programme and the US’ encouragement of religion to counter Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. The rise of religious influence can be understood from the number of religious schools which in 1970s were around 900 and by the end of Zia era had grown to 8,000 and around 25,000 unregistered ones, educating over half a million students. These madrassas also drew foreign aid, and were sharply divided on sectarian lines. Ultimately the autonomy of traditional religious institutions, lack of unanimous regulatory policies for madrassas, and Zia’s Islamisation of society, injected the poison of sectarianism, fanaticism and bigotry, pitting sect against sect and region against region.
Attacks of 9/11 once again brought Pakistan into spotlight for its geo-strategic location and proximity with Afghanistan. The military regime of General Mushrraf which was desperately looking for a legitimacy cover conceded to US demands. This U-turn in erstwhile policy of supporting religious and jihadi elements disenchanted and alienated religious segments of the society specially ones in NWFP and tribal areas of Pakistan. Subsequent US attacks and Taliban’s retreat into tribal areas of Pakistan led to rise of extremism in Pakistan. Major cause of creeping Talibanization and extremist tendencies in Northern and tribal areas is the way in which Mushrraf regime conducted war against terrorism in the region. Lal Masjid operation further deteriorated the situation and a spate of suicide attacks ripped through the country bringing security and intelligence apparatus to a virtual halt. Law and order broke down, attacks on security personnel increased, police contingents were ambushed, torching of CD and barber shops, ban of female education and challenging the writ of the state have been the order of the day. In order to ameliorate the swiftly deteriorating situation we need to reexamine the current counter-terrorism policy by initiating a debate in parliament. The effort to solve the problem through use of might and force has failed in Iraq, Afghanistan and in FATA. Reliance on military means will only fuel extremism. What we need is an honest national counter-terrorism policy with patience, prudence and farsightedness.
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